NORTH KOREA leader Kim Jong Un’s meeting with Russian President Vladimir Putin remains a strategic win for the former, in capitalising on Putin’s vuln...
Kim shaking hands with Russia’s Defence Minister Sergei Shoigu during his visit to Vladivostok, Russia recently. – REUTERSPICleader Kim Jong Un’s meeting with Russian President Vladimir Putin remains a strategic win for the former, in capitalising on Putin’s vulnerability and sending a message to both Beijing and the West.
Kim might press for long-term assurance in defence support, apart from the normal requests for satellite technology, food and energy aid. Kim has always wanted to have a reliable fallback apart from depending on China’s President Xi Jinping. For Putin to choose a different venue to host Kim with the pomp and splendour given in Vostochny instead of being held in Vladivostok on the sidelines of the Eastern Economic Forum, shows the intent of Putin to honour and value Kim, and as a message to the West on the essence and perception of their ties.
The meeting is used as a strategic platform for Putin to send a message to Beijing that Moscow still has options with Pyongyang for arms support and that the no-limits ties are not the be-all and end-all arrangement. Putin is not really in desperate need of Pyongyang’s weapons, knowing that putting these weapons into the Ukraine war will only invite greater Western offensive and sanctions, but instead uses the meeting as a platform for greater long-term alliance possibilities and fallback options, where Pyongyang is trusted more than Beijing.
The fact that it has never fought a full-blown conflict means that it also has a massive amount of weapons and ammunition stockpile, an advantage that Putin is eyeing. However, Pyongyang can still rely on Beijing for food sources as a quid pro quo in giving Beijing security assurances in its eastern flank by denying Western push and maintaining a buffer zone for Beijing.
In case of a Taiwan conflict, Beijing needs Pyongyang as a second front offensive power to distract the West and its containment force by using Pyongyang’s constant Achilles heel and its offensive capacity to threaten Seoul or Tokyo and by that, stretch the West’s capacity. The Camp David pact is the final nail in the coffin for Beijing’s hope for any weakening of regional resolve and in continuing the historical divide between Seoul and Tokyo.
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